Maharaja Ranjit Singh:
Looking Beyond the National Frontiers
Chhanda Chatterjee, Ph.D.*
* Scholar of history and occasional writer. Address: 57/1, Padma Pukur Road, Kolkata-700 020.
The past is something which is no more with us and yet the past is often the foundation of the present. We have constantly to evoke the past to live better in the present. It is now past more than two hundred years since Maharaja Ranjit Singh was coronated on April 12, 1801 and yet we have to hark back to those days to provide us a direction for our future course of action. It was the tact, imagination and valour of this extraordinary hero of the Punjab that had elevated the Sikhs from the category of ‘robber noblemen’
1 (as termed by an American historian) to the position of a great nation in the diaspora.The Sikh (Shishya?) or disciples of Guru Nanak could have remained one of the many syncretist philosophical cults like the Kabirpanthis, or the followers of Ramananda, that India had witnessed at the crossroads of Hinduism and Islamic culture in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Their peaceful moral philosophy was transformed into an ideology of militancy primarily as a reaction to the ‘ideological zealotry’
2 of the Mughal Emperors since Akbar. Guru Arjun Dev’s widespread popularity among his followers as the Sachcha Padshah (true emperor) and his support for the rebel prince Khasrau led Jehangir to make the same mistake that the Jewish King Herod had committed on an earlier occasion crucifying Jesus Christ. Following Guru Arjun Dev’s execution in 1606, his son Guru Hargovind gave up the usual seli-topi and the necklace of renunciation and, instead, wore two swords – the piri and the miri symbolizing the fusion of temporal and spiritual power in his own person. He started keeping a standing army, and built the Akal Takht facing the Har Mandir at Amritsar, to pledge the Sikhs to a course of avenging the wrong. Guru Teg Bahadur’s execution in 1675 followed the same pattern and brought ‘the moment of final denouement’3 leading to the creation of the Khalsa Panth by Guru Govind Singh on the Vaisakhi of 1699. The mode of its initiation through the unquestioning and unwavering readiness to die at the call of the Guru signified by the call to the panj piyare summed up the spirit of the transformation which the Sikh belief system as well as the entire Sikh society now underwent.4 The close association of religion with politics in Sikhism was thus an answer to the unequal distribution of power between the rulers and the ruled experienced by the Sikhs under the Mughals. The same unwillingness to be submerged into the dominant nationalist ideology persists into the Sikh psyche even down to the present times, and is perhaps the key to the controversies centering around the demand for a Sikh homeland until recently.Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s emergence as the greatest of all Indian rulers that the British had to reckon with can be viewed as a culmination of the process that had been set afoot by the long line of the Sikh Gurus who had struggled for the dignity of their people against the hegemony of an oppressive state. And yet Ranjit Singh was something unique not only because of the unparalleled extent of his conquests but also because of the broadness of his vision. Emerging from the mud fort of his grandfather, Charhat Singh at Gujraoli, near Lahore. Ranjit Singh cleverly exploited the political vacuum created by the gradual collapse of Mughal power in the face of repeated invasions by the Afghans and the preoccupation of the Afghan ruler with problems further North-West to advance his position, first in the Punjab and then even outside as far as Multan, Kangra, Peshawar and Kashmir. It is a tribute to his farsightedness and broadness of vision that he repudiated his identity as the leader of the Sukerchakia misl and proclaimed himself "Maharaja of Punjab" even at the outset of his long and glorious career of conquest. It is amazing how, from the very beginning of his career, he could rise far above the pettiness and intrigues of his surroundings and place the Sikhs on a hitherto uncharted path of progress.
Present day thinkers often credit Ranjit Singh as the author of a "Punjabi identity" quite distinct from the present day fissured identity of the Punjabis into three distinct linguistic, religious and political entities. It is one of the ironies of history that most of the areas that once formed the kingdom of Maharaja Ranjit Singh have now gone to Pakistan. It is therefore easy to imagine that most of Ranjit Singh’s subjects were followers of Islam. And yet Ranjit Singh had succeeded in making his rule acceptable to all his subjects. "All the communities", writes Fakir Syed Waheeduddin, "looked upon him not only as their protector but as one of themselves".
5 While he conducted the administration in the name of the Khalsa and called himself a sevadar (servant) of God and conformed to the outward norms of Sikhism, he never allowed his personal devotion to degenerate into fanaticism. His charities ran equally towards the Har Mandir at Amritsar, towards the Yogis of Jakhbar,6 the Vaishnavas of Pindori7 and to Muslim shrines8 and he wiped the dust of the feet of holy men of all the communities, Muslim, Sikh and Hindu, with his beard. Victor Jacquemont writes that he made regular visits to the shrines of several Muslim saints.9 Amongst his most important officers and administrators figured the names of Fakir Azizuddin, the foremost among his counselors, Fakir Syed Nuruddin, his Home Minister and personal physician and Fakir Syed Imamuddin, one of his principal administrative officers. Ranjit Singh did not wear a crown, did not sit on a throne and did not issue any coin and seal in his name. And inspite of all his loyalty to the tenets of Sikhism he did not interfere with the established custom of the country and retained Persian as the court language. Ranjit Singh can thus be said to have bridged the gap between the ruler and the ruled and the more recent linguistic, religions and political encounter between indigenous communities themselves seemed to be singularly absent during his reign. His reign can thus be seen as having given rise to a "Punjabi identity"10 which eludes modern secularists even to the present day. While the onslaught of colonialism and the threat from Christian missionaries broke up Punjabi society into three hostile communities threatening to destroy each other as distinct religious categories, Muslim, Sikh and Hindu, each of which was mutually exclusive.11 Some modern thinkers would not credit the Indian version of secularism with much of an improvement calling it ‘the subordination of genuine secularism to a nationalism of the Hindu majority’ and the present day political scene ‘a hiatus between majority fundamentalism as against many competing minority fundamentalisms’.12Ranjit Singh’s extraordinary situation, both at the crossroads of history as well at the crossroads of the ambitions of two great powers, the British and the Russians, elevated him to the centrestage of international politics and his fate got linked up with the warps and wefts of world politics. In 1805 he had crossed the Sutlej and received homage from the Malwai Sikh chiefs of Patiala, and John Metcalfe’s emissaries were nearly agreed to acknowledge the Jamna as the frontier between the Maharaja’s kingdom and the territories of the British. But the signing of the treaty of Tilsit in 1807 between Napoleon Bonaparte and the Russians upset all the calculations of the British. Secure from French aggression on his Western frontier, the Tsar was now feared to be harboring designs on the British empire in India through Persia and Afghanistan. The British, therefore, judged it politic to secure an advanced position right upto the Sutlej on the North-Western border of their Indian empire. Thus while even a few months ago they were ready to allow Ranjit Singh a free hand across the Sutlej, since 1807 their attitude stiffened and they became inclined to entertain overtures from the Malwai Sikhs, led by the Maharaja of Patiala, to act as their protector. This compelled Ranjit Singh to rein in his expansionist aims in territories beyond the Sutlej, and the treaty of Amritsar defined the Sutlej as the Southern West limit of the Maharaja’s domains. In this context he acted wiser than Tipoo Sultan who exhausted himself in a war of attrition against the English by refusing to come to terms. Ranjit Singh was much more realistic in this respect, utilizing the peace ensured by the treaty of 1809 to expand further a field on the north.
The Russian bogey once again involved him in a conflict with Dost Muhammad of Afghanistan, whose kingdom the Russians were suspected to be trying to penetrate in 1837-38 in order to be able to secure an advanced position towards the British Indian empire. The British induced Ranjit Singh to try to reinstate his old ally Shah Shuja to the throne of Kabul and the triumphant Sikh armies entered Kandahar and Jalalbad in the company of the British. Ranjit Singh did not survive long to learn the ultimate outcome of this foray. Death overtook him when the Sikh armies were still at their pinnacle of glory and Ranjit Singh could die a happy king with the Sikh flag flying atop the fort of Kabul. In a bid to rescue Shah Shuja, Ranjit Singh had succeeded in reducing Kashmir to defeat. Negotiations with Shah Zaman and Shah Shuja secured him the ‘light of the world’ – the Koh-I-Noor. Following the campaign trail of Shah Shuja he became the victor of Kabul. Such diplomatic success should be the envy of the Foreign office even today when Kashmir and Afghanistan occupy such crucial positions on the diplomatic priorities of the government of India.
While working out the agenda for a national integration, Ranjit Singh’s name must be remembered alongside Sivaji and Tipoo Sultan as great national heroes. While Tipoo simply exhausted himself trying to achieve the impossible, Ranjit Singh practised politics as an ‘art of the possible’. He rounded off the task begun by the Sikh Gurus by elevating the Sikhs to the position of a great nation. And yet Ranjit Singh had achieved something much broader and wider than the identity of the followers of one particular faith. He had transcended the barriers of any one single belief system and knew what Guru Govind Singh had taught :
"He is in the temple as He is in the mosque,
He is in the Hindu worship as he is in the Muslim prayer.
Humans are one, though they appear different."
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References
1. Joyce Pettigrew, Robber Noblemen (1975)
2. Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London, 1974) p.51?
3. Bhupinder Singh, Raj Karega Khalsa: Understanding the Sikh Theory of Religion and Politics in Pritam Singh and Shinder Singh Thandi, Punjabi Identity in a Global context (O.U.P. 1999).
4. Niharranjan Roy, The Sikh Gurus and Sikh Society (1975) p.24.
5,8 & 9. Fakir Syed Waheeduddin, The Read Ranjit Singh (Publication Bureau, Punjabi University, Patiala) p7.
6. B. N. Goswamy and J. S. Grewal, The Mughals and the Jogis of Jokhbar (Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, 1976).
7. B. N. Goswamy and J. S. Grewal, The Mughal and Sikh Rulers and Vaishnavas of Pindori (I.I.A.S., Shimla 1969)
10. Darshan Singh, "Shah Mohammad on Punjabi Identity" in Pritam Singh of Shinder Singh Thaindi, Punjabi Identity in a Global Context, pp.69-77.
11. Arvind-pal Singh, "Writing Otherwise Than Identity, Translation and Cultural Hegemony’ in Ibid pp 111-137.
12. Prakesh Chandra Upadhyaya, ‘The Politics of Indian Secularism’ in Modern Asian Studies 26, 4(1992) pp. 851-853 cited in Arvind-pal Singh in Ibid.