Guru Nanak exalts Jats of Punjab

Irfan Habib*

* Eminent historian and author. This is excerpted from his essay in Honour of Dr. Ganda Singh - delivered as Presidential address at the Punjabi History Congress, at Patiala in 1971.

It has always seemed to me a question worth asking - why, when other movements similar to Guru Nanak’s, movements so similar that the verses of their preachers were included in the Guru Granth Sahib, failed to take strong roots among the peasantry, in their own regions, Sikhism should so greatly have succeeded in this?

It is quite clear that what Guru Nanak and his successors preached was a universal faith, and not a narrow or sectional doctrine. But, like all great religions, Sikhism made progress differently in different areas and different classes. It is always incredibly difficult to analyze the teachings of religion in historical terms, to work out what aspects of it made particular appeal to what strata, and what aspects were stressed by whom. Individuals naturally tend to interpret every universal message in terms they can themselves understand; and thus a distinction is bound to arise in the case of every religion between the substance of the message and its actual comprehension, however lively and sincere might be the attempts that are made to attain an absolutely loyal comprehension of the original doctrine.

Can it, therefore, have happened that the Jatts received Sikhism at a time when, by historical circumstances, they were in need of it the most, and so saw it as a message of particular import to themselves?

We have seen that the Jatts, as an originally pastoral community, had been condemned to a humiliating position; they had then expanded and transformed themselves into large agricultural communities. It is almost certain that, in spite of this transformation, the older caste stigma persisted. The other castes do not still allow the Jatts the status of Kshatriyas to which they lay claim, and the traditional view, recoded by Skinner at Hansi in 1825, was that they arose out of the wedlock between a Kshatriya and a Vaishya woman.1

The Dabistan-i-Mazahib, about the middle of the seventeenth century, described them, as we have seen, as the lowest caste among the Vaishyas, though this was still an advance over the Shudra classification of Alberuni in the eleventh century. It is, therefore, quite likely that the Jatts who, in the sixteenth century, were not only entirely peasants but, in so many localities of the Punjab, also zamindars would assert themselves against a social status which no longer corresponded to their economic position.

 For such cases Indian society has usually had the mechanism which modern sociologists tend to term Sanskritization. In most such cases, the top strata of the lower caste would ‘Sanskritize’ and merge into the higher castes in due course of time. Why this could not easily happen with the Jatts – although the process is not entirely lacking there is perhaps mainly because they had inherited from their earlier stage an egalitarian or semi-egalitarian social structure, to which both Hiuen Tsang and the Chachnama bear testimony.

In such circumstances, Sikhism, which rejected in theory the entire system of caste and whose Gurus in practice raised Jatts to the highest position without hesitation, could not but fail to win over and command the loyalty of large sections from amongst the Jatts. To them Sikh Scripture’s stirring words, written in the name of Dhanna Jat, might have had a significance beyond the purely spiritual one that the Guru had in mind:

       “Having heard all this, I, a Jat, applied myself to devotion:

       I have met the Lord in person; such is the great fortune of Dhanna.”

But I would go further; I do not think it is adequate to see in the Jatt espousal of Sikhism a mere alternative to Sanskritization. The Jatts were peasants, and the one outstanding problem of the peasants in the seventeenth century was that they had to bear a very heavy burden of land revenue and a great degree of oppression of the ruling classes of the Mughal Empire. I have elsewhere argued that this situation was bound to provoke peasant revolts.2 On this I have not anything new to add, but it does seem to me that the militant development of the Sikh community during the seventeenth century can have one major explanation in the resort to armed violence by the Jatt peasantry, when the economic pressure became increasingly intolerable. This further cemented the historical association between the Jatt peasantry and Sikhism, though the association itself certainly antedates the agrarian crisis of the Mughal Empire.

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Reference

1.         James Skinner, Tashrihul Aqwam, Br. Mus. MS Add. 27, 255 f.

2.         Agrarian System of Mughal India, Bombay, 1963, pp. 318-51.